17 April, 2008 - From the bombshell His Majesty the Fourth Druk Gyalpo dropped on his unsuspecting subjects on 9 December 2006 to the electoral rout meted out by Druk Phuensum Tshogpa on 27 March 2008, Bhutan’s roller-coaster ride from monarchy to democracy has been a run of one irony after another.

The Abdication Paradox – The Emperor’s New Close

When in late 2006 Palden Drukpa’s fourth hereditary monarch informed an extraordinary meeting of cabinet ministers of his sovereign decision to step down from the golden throne and hand over the raven crown to his eldest son and heir-apparent, Crown Prince Jigme Khesar, a fly on the wall would have heard a pin drop. And when, via grapevine, the momentous news filtered down to the masses, there was general disbelief mingled with grief. Why would a ruler at the height of his power, prowess and popularity seek to relinquish the reins? was the question, born in Bhutan, which verily went around the world. But this was no ‘Lear’y brainstorm but vintage king’s end game. To paraphrase His Majesty’s own words, the transition to democracy was no overnight phenomenon but an ongoing process, anchored in the 1981 decentralisation to dzongkhag levels, extended in 1991 down to the gewogs. Also, a committee of eminent persons had been entrusted way back in 2001 with the task of drafting a Constitution –a development that should have hinted at his future intentions and stands testimony to his characteristic foresight- which now awaits ratification by the first democratically elected Parliament. It is far better, he explained, for a nation to take this historic step when it enjoys peace and progress than to do so under duress, like so many others have, in times of violent upheaval. He went on to outline his blueprint -Bhutan’s roadmap to democracy- and, overruling nationwide calls to recant, when he went around the country as was his wont to discuss the issues with his people, forged ahead to put in place the stepping stones towards realising his vision. With two constitutional bodies now established, the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) and the Election Commission (EC), His Majesty the King Jigme Khesar Namgyal Wangchuck on the throne and the first elected government in place, King Jigme Singye Wangchuck’s grand design is well on track to denouement.

The Party Paradox – The Two Sides of the Sovereign  

Of the two parties, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and Druk Phuensum Tshogpa (DPT), that fielded candidates in the 2008 national assembly (NA) elections, the former, like the proverbial hare, was first off the blocks. Brainchild of Sangay Ngedup, former minister of health/education, later of agriculture and twice prime minister, PDP was branded the “royalty’s” party –a wholly mistaken notion in view of the clear-cut Constitutional proscription against royal participation in politics- while DPT subsequently got dubbed “royalist” by the foreign media. Both parties chose to be guided by the development philosophy of GNH, a Bhutan trademark value system patented by HM the fourth King. With the advantage of an early launch, PDP got first pick of the crop and put together a formidable team of candidates, including two ministers -Sangay Ngedup and Jigme Singye- and a constellation of civil service stars and other luminaries. Nonetheless, from the onset, the party was perceived by intelligentsia as having the unfair boon (or bane, as maybe) of familial moorings. And though civil servants were restricted by EC from active politics, this perception stuck in the urban psyche and may have impacted on the eventual outcome. Meanwhile, DPT made a stuttering tortoise-like start. A group of prominent citizens initiated a political association to present a credible challenge to what increasingly looked like a one-horse-race, with PDP in sole contention. The most immediate problem this makeshift dispensation faced was the lack of any stellar leadership to match PDP’s Sangye Ngedup. The other ministers, including home minister Jigmi Y Thinley, when approached by this wannabe faction, remained non-committal. To nobody’s surprise, several months later, in July 2007, five ministers -Jigmi Thinley, Yeshey Zimba, Khandu Wangchuk, Ugyen Tshering, Wangdi Norbu- resigned from government and took over the fledgling party. This influx of leaders into an hitherto headless clique ruffled some feathers and the party splintered into two: DPT and the erstwhile Bhutan’s People’s United Party (BPUP), which made an early, embarrassing exit when its registration application was rejected by EC for not meeting required criteria. The stage was thus set for a one-on-one face-off between the two parties still standing and the twin trio of initials, PDP and DPT, entered Bhutanese lexicon and consciousness.

The Campaign Paradox - Bad Hare Days                         

To enable a level playing field, EC exercised control over every aspect of the campaign, from eligibility (graduates need only apply) to expenditure (Nu 100 thousand per head). Originally, in the event of more than two competing parties, two rounds of voting were slated, the first to determine which two would contest the second and decisive round. But when perforce BPUP bowed out, a first round turned redundant. Nevertheless, with the preceding national council (NC) election in January 2008 of 20 members to the upper, impartial house of a bicameral parliament-to-be, a dress rehearsal of sorts took place. Not to belittle its import, this ballot allowed all concerned a dry run before the ‘real’ thing. Bhutanese were treated to a first-hand taste of TV debates, campaigns and electronic voting machines (EVM) for the election, which seemed almost an incidental run-up to the highly emotive party politics to follow. And though the televised debates proved to be a damp squib and voter turnout modest (less than 55 percent), the NC elections, which went off like clockwork, did provide valuable experience. Given that both DPT and PDP subscribed to GNH and its four pillars, the choice between the parties boiled down not to ideology but personality, particularly with respect to the presidents, Sangay Ngedup and Jigmi Thinley. This idiosyncracy was patent, albeit among a computer-literate minority, in a Kuensel online poll, which revealed, by a huge margin, that party and president eclipsed platform in determining voting trends. The PDP manifesto -party symbol: a rearing stallion- could be distilled into its two slogans of being a party that would “Walk the Talk” and provide “Service with Humility”. The first evoked the much hyped though admirable ‘Move for Health’ campaign its president had conducted during his health ministry heydays, and the second resurrected his proactive avatar as agriculture minister, when he promoted rural development, chiefly in the field of farm roads. DPT –party symbol: a trio of black-necked cranes in synchronous flight- in a nutshell, promised “Growth with Equity and Justice” and opted for rooting out corruption as its USP. The campaign had two phases: the first, in December 2007, a ‘familiarisation’ tour, wherein candidates were directed to introduce themselves and ‘educate’ voters on the dynamics of a democratic process; the second, in early 2008, ‘actual’ campaigning. From the word go, DPT had some catching up to do so as to offset PDP’s head start. During the first half of the campaign, DPT adopted a novel strategy -they went by the book!- and, in so doing, gained public confidence and reversed early PDP gains. At one rally after another, DPT’s president Jigmi Thinley, a consummate if reluctant politician, et al, drove home the norbu concept of the vote as bestowed on the people by the fourth king, and drummed in the message of their inviolability as voters. During this warm-up phase, interrupted by the month-long NC contest, and spilling over into 2008, the political climate simmered with bouts of mudslinging and allegations of electoral misconduct. The campaign came and went; the jury was out. Conventional wisdom predicted a divided house, with the bourgeoisie behind DPT and the peasantry for PDP. The latter took two body blows late in the day with one of their candidates suspended and another publicly reprimanded by EC for electoral malpractice. Yet who was going to win was still anybody’s guess.

The Upshot Paradox – Tortoise Shell-Shock

 As we all now know and none of us foresaw, DPT won by a landslide, sweeping 45 of the 47 seats. The ‘drop’ had grown indeed into an ‘ocean’, as Thakur S Powdyel, now minister of education, observed, in a wry dig at an eponymous campaign-period Kuensel headline that read: DPT drop in PDP ocean. The two PDP ex-ministers lost, as did all but two of the party’s bright sparks. After a brief speechless spell, PDP reacted with an appeal to EC (later referred to the High Court, and since dismissed for lack of any hard evidence) on the “very strange developments” that occurred over the weekend just before polling day. This was in reference to a suspicion that, during the urban exodus to vote at rural polling centres, undue influence had been brought to bear leading to a last minute, massive swing against all estimates. The fact that the final percentages of votes for DPT vis a vis PDP (67 to 33) replicated a pre-election Kuensel online poll on party preference lent circumstantial weight to such misgivings.

The Post-Script Paradox – The Inscrutable Orientation

Bhutan’s democratisation began in 2006 with a shock and –despite some stray bomb blasts in between, which deterred an 80 percent voter turnout not a whit– came up with a stunner in 2008. In the fallout of the country’s first parliamentary elections, questions are being asked about the skewed winner-take-all electoral system -PDP received 33 percent of the votes but only four percent of the seats- and the merits of an alternate method of proportional representation. However, any attempt to explain the lop-sided electoral result, given the novelty of the experience, will be at best, at this juncture, an exercise in conjecture. With the decimation of PDP as an opposition party in parliament, the National Council’s 25 members assume an unanticipated Constitutional role: that of an oppositional check-and-balance in the eventuality of a “tyrannical majority”. At the end of the day, it does seem that the people of Bhutan did not so much vote against change -represented by the gung ho PDP- as opt overwhelmingly for continuity as embodied by the establishmentarian DPT and its tried and tested team. Which brings us to our last –but not least, in international eyes, at least- word: the so-called lhotsampa dimension, which the foreign media is inclined to regard as the Achilles heel of “the last Shangri-la”. The ‘issue’, made conspicuous by its absence, became a non-issue. A potentially divisive democratic process produced a uniform electoral result that unified the newly constitutionalised kingdom like super glue.

Source: Kuensel

The most affected tour companies were BTCL with 58 clients, International Tours and Treks with 51, Etho Metho with 37, Sakten Tours and Treks with 22, Aman Kora with 28, All Bhutan Connection with 19, Yangphel Tours and Treks with 18, Namgay Adventures with 16 and Gangri Tours and Treks with 15. There were also other operators with smaller number of clients.

The Managing Director of Gangri Tours and Treks, Kesang Namgyel, said that he had a group of 13 tourists coming in yesterday but because of the rescheduling of the flights they lost a day for which his company had to refund the money. “Druk Air has lots of changes on their timings, seat cancellations and rescheduling of flights which causes a lot of hassles for us,” he said.

The Operational Manager of Etho Metho Tours and Treks,Tenzin Namgay, said they had a group coming in yesterday, one on Sunday, one on April 24 and one on May 1.

The clients, he said, were not happy because they did not want to change their schedule, “This hampers the business and creates a lot of inconveniences like changing their visas and trying to contact them when they have already left their country,” he said.

He added because of cancellation of seats and rescheduling, outside agents did not feel secure with Druk Air. He suggested Druk Air should either stick with the same schedule or announce changes well in advance.Thinley Wangchuk Dorjee, the MD of BTCL, said rescheduling and rerouting did affect them to some extent but Druk Air had been helpful in bearing the one day stay cost for the tourists.

“Things like these have been going on quite frequently now, like the cancellation of seats, rerouting, and changes in flight. I hope things will be streamlined and stabilized in the future because in the long run this can affect the numbers of tourists coming into Bhutan,” he said.

Tenzin Drakpa, the MD of Rabsel Tours, said right now he did not have much tourists coming in but when the next season begins he hoped that Druk Air will have streamlined such procedures.Druk Air’s Head of CommercialDivision, Tandin Gyamtsho told Observer this was the second time this year when flights had to be rescheduled, once during the Paro Tshechu to accommodate the tourists and now because of the increasing number of tourists coming in.

He said tour operators were given tentative plans in advance so that they could inform their tourists. Also that the changes were mostly in timing and not in the date of operation.The tentative schedule was then sent to authorities in India, Bangkok and Bangladesh where slot committees took time to approve the schedules.

“Sometimes when we ask them for the schedules they cannot give it because the slots have already been taken by other airlines and the timing given to us is not suitable. Then again we have to request for an alternate timing so as this goes on, a lot of time is consumed,” said Tandin Gyamtsho.

He said this year there had been big changes because of the increase in number of flights in India, many slots in Delhi and Mumbai were taken and these airports have only one runway.“When we keep on giving changes down there, we keep on losing slots, so now we have a meeting with ABTO to tell them that wherever possible, we will have a spare flight so there is no pressure with the change in slots,” he said.

Sonam Dorji, the General Secretary of ABTO, said the last minute changing of flight timings was very unfortunate for the tour operators and unorganized and not well planned on the part of the Druk Air. “We have the traditional flight route; they are removing the travel route in the middle of the tourist season, at the last minute,” he said.

The rescheduling of incoming flights meant the loss of one night royalty per head for the government, hoteliers, guides and tour operators.Tandin Gyamtsho said this was a lesson they learnt and that Druk Air will be thouroughly studying it.

Source: Bhutan Observer

4 April 2008

Thimphu: A three-day symposium organised by the Gross National Happiness Commission (GNH) began this week with the objective of aligning the 10th Plan projects with the Druk Phuensum Tshogpa (DPT) manifesto and using GNH has the guiding factor.

“Political promises are beyond the scope of the 10th Five-year Plan budget. Some of them may not be feasible, while others may not be even desirable,” said Karma Tshiteem, Secretary of the GNH Commission, at the opening of the National Planning Symposium in Thimphu, yesterday.

Rinzin Dorji, Chief Planning Officer of GNH Commission, told Observer that it was a challenge. “While 90 percent of the party’s manifestoes are in line with the Tenth Plan, rest of the manifestoes come as a challenge to us,” he said. “But we are prepared to face the challenge.”

Earlier on during the campaigns, the political parties had said that the cost of promises that could not be met from the plan budget would be mobilised from outside. But observers had said that the political promises were too numerous and far-fetched to be realised with external funds.

At the symposium, which is markedly different from the previous planning meetings organised by the erstwhile Planning Commission, Karma Tshiteem outlined the priorities of the 10th Plan as a GNH-oriented and poverty-reduction-targeted plan in a new democratic setup. “Today, we have the luxury of choosing which direction to go in, and GNH shows the direction,” he said.

The GNH Commission Secretary pointed out some internal challenges such as poverty, narrow industrial base, growing unemployment, sluggish private sector, growing cost of social service delivery, and political changes.

He stressed on building the economy through enterprise, creativity, and innovation. “For a country like Bhutan, standing on our own feet is critical,” he said. “We cannot follow the traditional method of economic development – our focus must be on the people.”

Rinzin Dorji said the preparation and implementation of the 10th Plan was going to be different from the previous plans. He added that the symposium was aimed at inviting feedback on the various planning documents and processes such as the result-based management, annual grants, tied grants, functional and financial responsibilities of the government, and the planning and monitoring system that GNH commission had developed during the process of the preparation of the Tenth Plan.

Besides, the symposium will sensitise and brief the planners on the strategic framework of the 10th Plan as well as seek feedback on the best practices and on the lessons learnt from the Ninth Plan. The participants will discuss a strategic roadmap for the development at the local as well as the national level.

The highlights of some 14 papers being presented at the symposium include the strategic framework for the 10th Plan, roles and responsibilities of local governments and gewog administrative officers, local development plans, and Targeted Poverty Intervention, among others.

The Planning Officer of Zhemgang Dzongkhag, Bolanath Bhattarai, said the symposium would help solve coordination problems among agencies, dzongkhags, ministries, and gewogs besides helping the planners implement the 10th Plan effectively.

Sarpang Dzongkhag Planning Officer, Pema Tenzin, said the symposium gave a clear roadmap for the result-based 10th Plan. He added that while the previous plans were sector-based, the 10th Plan was cross-sectoral and broad-based. “The roadmap is drawn; we will move on,” he said.

Planning Officer of Mongar Dzongkhag, Lekey Wangdi, said, in the new democratic setup, capacity of local governments was crucial. “This symposium has come at the right time to enhance the capacity of local governments and to streamline the roles and responsibilities of gewog administration.

The National Planning Symposium is being attended by some 170 planning officers from the ministries, dzongkhags and agencies, and gewog administrative officers from across the country. The last symposium of this kind was organised by the erstwhile Planning Commission nine years ago.

Source: Bhutan Observer

Thimphu: What exactly transpired in the two days leading up to the election? Did civil servants and educated urbanites actually influence rural voters as maintained by PDP supporters?

The PDP president, Sangay Ngedup, has said that they were confident of people’s support until 21 March. There was a mood swing in the intervening two days as buses, trucks and cars bearing urban voters hit towns and villages.

If the postal ballot is any indication, the educated vote was largely in favour of the DPT. Of 17,119 postal ballots cast, only 3,799 voted for the PDP while 13,320 voted for the DPT. These included civil servants, students, armed forces, diplomats, their spouses and dependants, officials on election duty, hoteliers, media persons and tour operators.

There are more than 18,000 civil servants, about 9,000 corporate employees and more than 30,000 private employees. This translates into more than 39,000 people actually going to their constituencies to vote. On 22, 23 and 24 March, the Thimphu-Paro highway was the busiest with 1,237 vehicles while on other days there are less than 100 vehicles. The Thimphu-Phuenstholing highway saw 477 vehicles and the Thimphu-Haa highway 181.

The frequency of B-Mobile calls in the three days before the election also shot up by 30 percent. Do all these factors indicate that rural voters were influenced?

The PDP Secretary, Lam Kezang, said that he had received many calls and faxes from party supporters alleging that urban dwellers had influenced rural voters. “The reports, however, are not concrete,” he said.

PDP’s Kaka Tshering from Paro said that the general feeling among the party was that urban dweller had influenced the voters. “Some miraculous thing has happened but we don’t know who is behind it,” he said.

Jigme Cholen from Trshignag said that every village in his constituency had assured him of their support but in touch with people who weren’t living in the villages and I think those people must have voted for the other party,” he said.

Chhungdu Tshering from Samtse said they gave more attention to the rural voters thinking that most of the educated lot will avail the postal ballot facility. In the end when the educated lot turned up to vote, it was too late as the campaigning period was over.
Urban dwellers started influencing the villagers who believed them. “I am still getting reports on this,” he said.

The DPT Secretary, Thinley Gyamtsho, believes the voters had made their decision ahead of the arrival of the urban dwellers. “The voters might have been swayed in small ways but not to a large extent. We already had strong network of supporters,” he said.

Influence or not, the Chief Election Commissioner, Dasho Kunzang Wangdi, said that as long as the law was not violated and people are not forced to go against their will, everyone can enjoy their democratic and fundamental rights. Urban dwellers calling up their families in the villages and telling them to vote for a political party cannot be considered illegal as long as people are not coerced to do so.

The people of  Bhutan felt the need to institute a system that would ensure peace and order that had been restored by the Trongsa Penlop. The unanimous response to this need was the enthroning of Gongsar Ugyen Wangchuck as the first hereditary King of Bhutan on December 17, 1907, in Punakha Dzong by a body of monks, penlops, dzongpons of different districts, and people’s representatives.  The crowning of Bhutan’s first king ushered in a period of unity, prosperity and peace in the country that had been in civil strife for years.  One of the first responsibilities undertaken by the King was the revising of 1865 Treaty of Sinchula and signing of the Treaty of Punakha on January 8, 1910. The signing of the treaty ensured a lasting peace and friendship between British-India and Bhutan.  Another contribution of the First Druk Gyalpo was the establishment of Bhutan’s first school in Haa in 1914 besides enrolling 46 Bhutanese boys in Dr. Graham’s Homes, a Scottish mission school in Kalimpong. Later, in 1915, another school was started at the King’s palace in Bumthang. By 1919-20, there were 21 students studying in Bumthang and 28 in Haa.

After the demise of the Founder of the Wangchuck Dynasty in 1926, Jigme Wangchuck (1905-1952) was enthroned as the Second Druk Gyalpo on March 14, 1927, at Punakha. His Majesty’s reign can be best described as a period of consolidation and national integration. He instituted the Nangi Lhengye Zhi, the central cabinet that comprised four important officials. Many unnecessary posts were abolished and the powers of the dzongpons reduced easing the tax burden on the people. The Druk Gyalpo also centralized and created an effective system of revenue collection that was used for development activities.

When the reign of the nation was passed down to the third king, Bhutan had been transformed from a feudal society to a modern state. The Indo-Bhutan Treaty of 1949 was signed on August 8 in Darjeeling. The treaty was the basis for the friendly and cordial relations between Bhutan and

The freedom granted to the serfs is a great gift of His Majesty. The serfs were given land and resettled away from their masters to avoid any tensions and uneasy feelings that might brew between them. They could now enjoy the fruits of their sweat and be free and full citizens.

The visit of the Indian Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, in 1958 became an epoch making event in the relations between the two countries. The visit marked the first step toward planned economic development in Bhutan.  A new beginning in the process of economic development was made in 1961 with the initiation of the First Five Year Plan with a budget of Rs 174.7 million. The Plan aimed primarily at building basic infrastructure like road, communication system, agriculture, animal husbandry, transport and power. The planned economic development propelled the country on the path of economic progress. 

 The visit by the Indian Prime Minister, Indira Gandhi, on May 2, 1968, retraced her father’s footsteps and further cemented the Indo-Bhutanese friendship. In the same year, Bhutan accepted the Indian proposal to set up an envoy of the Indian Government in Thimphu. This was a wise and timely decision as the political, economic and cultural relations between the two nations was steadily growing. In May 1971, Lyonpo Pema Wangchuk presented his credentials as the ambassador of Bhutan to

Bhutan also applied for United Nations membership and attended its General Assembly in 1970 as an observer. Thereafter, with the support of India, Bhutan became the UN member on September 21, 1971.

 The untimely demise of the Father of Modern Bhutan on July 21, 1972, thrust the responsibility of steering the nation to Trongsa Penlop Jigme Singye Wangchuck (b.1955) at the age of 17 with formal coronation held on June 2, 1974.

In an interview with the Indian media in 1979, His Majesty declared that Gross National Happiness (GNH) is more important than Gross National Product (GDP). In 1986, the Financial Times of London ran an article titled “Gross National Happiness”, making the concept known to the western world. GNH has today become the guiding philosophy of  Bhutan’s development. The concept of GNH is based on the premise that true development of human society takes place when material and spiritual development occur side by side to complement and reinforce each other.

Decentralization has been the driving force of major reforms during the reign of the Fourth King. In 1981, the Dzongkhag Yargye Tshogdu was established, shifting the policy making decisions from the centre to the 20 districts of Bhutan. Later, in 1991, Geog Yargye Tshogchung was also instituted taking decentralization down to the grassroots. With the participation of the people in formulating the plans the people identified themselves with the plan and took greater responsibilities.

 The commissioning of the Bhutan’s first mega hydropower project, the 336-MW Chhukha Hydroelectric Project, in 1986 was a milestone in the economic progress of  Bhutan. Till the 1,020-MW Tala Hydropower Project was commissioned in 2006, Chhukha was the biggest contributor to Bhutan’s exchequer. The National Revenue Report of 2005-2006 reveals that Chukha Hydropower contributed Nu 2,092.682 million, which is 30.01%, to the total revenue of

The greatest leap in the process of devolution of power took place in June 1998 when His Majesty Jigme Singye Wangchuck dissolved the erstwhile cabinet and delegated executive powers to an elected Council of Ministers. The Royal Kasho issued to the 76th session of the National Assembly stated: “Our country must have a system of government, which enjoys the mandate of the people, provides clean and efficient government and has an in-built mechanism of checks and balances to safeguard our national interests and security.”

His Majesty also commanded the drafting of Bhutan’s first ever Constitution on November 30, 2001. Under the Chairmanship of Lyonpo Sonam Tobgay, the Chief Justice, the Constitution Drafting Committee referred to the constitutions of more than 50 countries and submitted the first draft to the Druk Gyalpo on December 9, 2002. The King declared before the Lhengye Zhungtshog on March 21, 2005, that “The adoption of the Constitution will provide the legal framework for a democratic political system that is best suited for Bhutan and will establish a system of governance that will safeguard the security and sovereignty of the nation and ensure the wellbeing of the Bhutanese people for all times to come.” In March 2005, the draft Constitution was released and consultations with the people in all the 20 districts took place.

On December 17, 2005, the Fourth King stunned the nation by announcing in Trashiyangtse that he will relinquish the throne in favor of Trongsa Penlop Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck (b. 1980). Accordingly, on December 14, 2006, the Trongsa Penlop took over the Throne with the formal Coronation announced for 2008. Handing over the reins at a special sitting of the Lhengye Zhungtshog in 2006, His Majesty said: “It is my wish and prayer that during the reign of Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck, the Palden Drukpa will remain strong and glorious, that our country will achieve greater prosperity with the sun of peace and happiness shining on our people, that all the national objectives of the country and the hopes and aspirations of our people will be fulfilled and the Bhutanese people will enjoy a greater level of contentment and happiness.”

The Fifth King made his first public address as the King of Bhutan at the Changlimithang ground on December 17, 2006. The King said that his responsibilities, first and foremost, would be to safeguard and strengthen the peace and tranquility of the nation; the sovereignty and security of the country; fulfill the vision of Gross National Happiness and; strengthen the new system of democracy. The King said that these aspirations can be fulfilled by building a strong and dynamic economy with each and every Bhutanese striving for excellence in all their endeavors.

On February 8, 2007, Bhutan and India embarked on a new historic epoch of friendship and economic cooperation by revising the 1949 Indo-Bhutan Friendship Treaty. The treaty was signed by His Majesty Jigme Khesar in the Indian capital, New Delhi. The revised treaty portrayed a commitment by the two countries to face new realities and committed, among others, not to allow the use of their territories for activities harmful to the national security and interest of the other. The updating of the treaty was a reflection of the mutual desire of the two countries to enhance the relationship to an even higher level of cooperation and goodwill.

With the dates for Gyalyong Tshogde election set for December 31, 2007, and Gyalyong Tshogdu for 2008, the Election Commission of Bhutan began educating the people on taking part in the democratic process through media and mock elections. Currently there are two political parties: the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), headed by former agriculture minister, Sangay Ngedup, and Druk Phuensum Tshokpa (DPT), led by the former home minister, Jigmi Y. Thinley. 

Bhutan is on the threshold of entering into a new era of democracy with a new King and a new government.  The journey ahead from 2008 lies in the hands of the people. People will now decide their own future. The government chosen by the people will steer the country. His Majesty Jigme Khesar is affectionately known as the “People’s King.” This clearly indicates that besides being a symbol of unity in a democratic country there is common wish that His Majesty will also continue to guide the new government.  The path ahead is a challenge for